Case studies · The Salvation Army
Three hundred registrations, one decision.
A centralized body: every corps and centre registered under one governing council. 333 registrations that filed a 2024 return, read from the public record.
One office has the method, the counsel, and the successor.
What the sector looks like here.
The Salvation Army's 333 registrations are all held under one business number, that of The Governing Council of The Salvation Army in Canada, the corporation Parliament created in 1909 to hold the Army's temporal affairs. In the Army's own words the local work is done by ministry units: a corps, which is a church led by a corps officer, or a social services unit led by an executive director. Together they report $1.4 billion a year. The median unit runs on $761,000. Only eight per cent run on under $150,000, and none has a board of three or fewer, because the boards are not local at all.
Seven people sit on more than a hundred of these boards each, and one sits on 318. They are the Governing Council: the constitutional governors of a body that holds every corps, shelter, thrift store, and camp as a unit of one organization. Beneath them a small tier of territorial and divisional officers sit on a handful each. The soldiers and adherents of a corps, and its unpaid local officers, are its congregation and its volunteers; they are not its directors. That is the design, and the record shows what it buys.
Ontario has more than a third, the Atlantic provinces more than a quarter, which is where the Army's history in Canada is deepest. The purposes are mostly religion on paper and mostly poverty in practice: the shelters and food banks and addiction programs that are registered as the corps that run them.
By annual revenue
By region
Region follows the riding a registration's mailing address falls in; 2 could not be assigned. Median revenue is $761,000 and the whole body reports $1.38 billion; the median board has 9 members.

What the record shows about strain.
The model flags fewer than five registrations in 333, under one per cent, and none at the stronger level. A flag means only that an organization's filings over several years resemble those of charities that later lost their registration, and filings prepared centrally by an office that does hundreds of them do not resemble that. The model cannot see strain in a unit whose books are kept at territorial headquarters.
The register shows the other half of the design. Since 2019, 66 Salvation Army registrations have ended: 54 by choice and 12 for failing to file. Twenty-eight of them landed in a single year, 2023, the year the territory announced it was merging its divisions to four, which is what a consolidation looks like when one office decides it, sequences it, and files it. The other years show the same pattern on a smaller scale: registrations ended in batches, by choice, filed and finished. This spring the Cornwall corps and its food bank closed, the Army said, to steward its resources responsibly; the decision was made above the corps, as the Army's decisions are.
Nobody in a corps in Corner Brook or Nipawin had to learn how to do that; somebody at territorial headquarters already knew.
Revocations on the record, by year
Revocations published in the Canada Gazette, matched by business number, 2011 to 5 September 2026. 90 in all.
What an ending looks like here.
An Army closure is decided above the unit and executed by people who have done it before. A corps has no separate legal existence; its property vests in the Governing Council; openings and closures are decisions of territorial and divisional leadership under the international Orders and Regulations, which are internal. The counsel is retained, the accountant is on staff, the successor is the next corps over or the division itself, and the assets never leave the organization. The soldiers of the local corps grieve the closure; they do not file it.
The Army is not better at closures because its people care more. It is better at them because the structure puts the knowledge, the authority, and the successor in one office, and the local unit inherits all three. Most charities have the local board and lack the office. The Army has the office and, in the legal sense, lacks the local board.
Who sits on the boards.
Three hundred and eighteen boards held by fifty-five people. The large dots are the Governing Council, on more than a hundred boards each; the small ones are divisional officers on a few. Move the slider to its end and the whole Army collapses to the council.
Bubbles are organizations, coloured by purpose and sized by revenue band. Dots are people who sit on two or more of these boards. Drag to move, scroll to zoom, click to see one organization's connections, click the background to clear. No one is named: the shape is public, the people are not.
The work
What we would do here.
The Salvation Army does not need its corps to close together under our method, and this case study is not an offer of that. It is here because it shows, in one body's record, what the rest of the sector is missing.
Take what the Governing Council has, the method, the sequence, the counsel and the accountant pre-authorized, the successor identified before the decision, and hand it to a congregation, a friendship centre, or a food bank that has none of it. That is the Guide, the Toolkit, and the coordinator: the head office a small charity never had, for one closure, through people from its own community.
If you are an officer or a divisional leader who reads this and recognizes the method, we would value the conversation; you have done more of these than anyone. Start a conversation.
The questions
What we would ask.
This body has its own method and does not need a roundtable from us. These are the questions we would put to the people who have handled its closures.
- The territory merged its divisions to four in 2024 and said ministry units would not be affected, though changes to corps and social units might occur. Which corps have changed since, and how did the community find out?
- A corps has no separate legal existence and closes by decision of territorial and divisional leadership under Orders and Regulations that are not published. What do the corps sergeant-major and the local advisory board know about that decision before it is made?
- When a corps or a food bank closes, as Cornwall's did this spring, the people served go somewhere. Which community organizations took them, and were they told in time?
- The Army's units are the successor of last resort in many small towns. Which independent charities would name a corps as their successor, and has the corps been asked?
- Officers have handled more closures than anyone in the sector. Which of them would sit with a congregation or a friendship centre that has to do one alone?
Elsewhere, a case study ends with an invitation to a roundtable, where community leaders go over their case study and correct it. Here the invitation runs the other way. If you are an officer who has closed a corps, we would learn more from an hour with you than the record can give. Start a conversation.
The Critical Path
Closing an organization, wherever it is incorporated.
Each organization in this case study is incorporated in a province or territory, or federally, and it closes under that statute first and under the Income Tax Act second. The two have an order, and no government page sets it out.
The Critical Path is that order on one folded sheet, one edition per jurisdiction: each step from the first hard conversation to the last filing, who decides it, and the document it files, with its regulator, its fee, and a specimen of its first page. Each edition will come as part of Foundations, with the Guide and access to the Foundations Course. Foundations is in development.
The other national bodies.
How this case study was made.
Public data, and math. The full method brief.
The counts are arithmetic on three public files: the Canada Revenue Agency's list of charities and their annual returns, 2011 to 2024; the Canada Gazette's notices of revocation; and Elections Canada's postal code file, which places a mailing address in a riding. A "flag" is the mark our model, Canary v3 / Distress v3, puts on a charity whose filings over several years resemble those of charities that later lost registration. It is a weak signal and we say so: about 1.4 in a hundred charities lose their registration within three years, about 2.9 in a hundred flagged ones do, and the rest carry on. We use flags to count, never to approach anyone.
This body's registrations are picked out by the business number they share, which is exact. Regions follow the riding of the mailing address, and 22 of Canada's 343 ridings are not yet in the crosswalk. Where a count is under five, we print "fewer than five", so that no organization can be picked out of it. The method brief has the model's validation, the counting rules, and the limits in full.
Local record, as reported: Salvationist.ca, governance of The Salvation Army in Canada; Salvationist.ca, ministry units; Salvationist.ca on the territory's divisional boundary changes, 2023; CTV on the Cornwall corps and food bank closing, 2026.
Sources: CRA List of Charities and T3010 returns, 2011 to 2024; Canada Gazette, Part I, revocations 2019 to 2026; Elections Canada, 2023 representation order. Model: Canary v3 / Distress v3, 1 July 2026; out-of-time AUC 0.68; flag precision 2.5 to 3.3 per cent. Counting script: case-study.py; the riding-level counts it produces: case-studies-aggregate.csv. The organization-level score file is available to a reviewer under a data agreement, and the method paper on request. If you find an error in the counting, write to info@publicbenefit.ca; we will correct the case study and record it in the correction log.